There
is a lot of talk about the benign force of democratic institutions of
this country and its liberal democratic ethos. The more gullible among
these expect it to guard us against the evils of fascism, like one would
expect rajnikant to do. Then there are those who are a tad less
delirious and remind us there is no rajnikant in reality, obvious
trivia. But even these find it difficult to give up
entirely the belief that it is only once in a while that demagogues
rise above the institutions that are by default the pillars our
'democracy' is built upon. They are merely asserting this attitude of
witnessing the next aberration (after 1976), "Shit's got real, and we
don't know how to wipe it off!" So while both kinds of liberals have
been sleeping, the latter has the meagre advantage of not dreaming at
least.
On the other hand, there's nobody toying with the idea that institutions of this country don't really matter much. Nobody wants to admit that even between 1976 and 2002, rather than heavenly peace, we have been a nation of state corporations - now private corporations - in nexus with mafia selling off commons. Nobody wants to talk about the heavy casualization of labour and unabating indignities inflicted upon the services of domestic labour, ragpickers, sweepers and sanitation workers, and countless others the bourgeoisie can't do without. This period also witnessed the rise and disappearance of caste militias without any punitive measures against their excesses. In many pockets (which actually adds up to a big bloody pocket) caste mobilizations have been enforcing segregation and meting out 'justice' to those who violate their agendas. The military demands increased immunity and resources, despite their frequent excursions into lives in the 'disturbed areas'. 2002 is an argument used against the BJP only very feebly, not to be pressed too hard. This often hides the fact that it was only the fountainhead of many other communal and sexist acts in full view of our benign institutions. At the same time, those who happen to be from the liberal class have also seen unprecedented wealth after coming out of their oh-so-stiffling license Raj days. Surrounded and infiltrated by this heavy militarization, heavy control, heavy communal fundamentalism, the liberal thus still believes fascism can be kept at bay.
On the other hand, we shouldn't forget those (laughably, also 'liberals') who do not bat an eyelid welcoming the likes of Modi and Amit Shah, and some chinese whisper called "development." The cautious liberals, it is evident to see, will eventually side with these conservative ones, and very probably talk about these benign institutions will evoke, "lulz, that's so 2014 bro" in sometime. A big part of the answer is class interest: when the middle ground vanishes, no way in hell are these liberal spokespersons will speak for those they have overlooked. But let's look at the liberal picture of our benign institutions once again: the hidden assumption is, like in Hobbes's world, it is only this rajnikanth that is prevents us from eating each other up. And that has historically been proven wrong time and again. All antifascists must realize that they don't have a struggle that is separate from that of caste, class, gender, right to social welfare. Basically, don't side with the elite. Down with Modi! Down with sangh!
On the other hand, there's nobody toying with the idea that institutions of this country don't really matter much. Nobody wants to admit that even between 1976 and 2002, rather than heavenly peace, we have been a nation of state corporations - now private corporations - in nexus with mafia selling off commons. Nobody wants to talk about the heavy casualization of labour and unabating indignities inflicted upon the services of domestic labour, ragpickers, sweepers and sanitation workers, and countless others the bourgeoisie can't do without. This period also witnessed the rise and disappearance of caste militias without any punitive measures against their excesses. In many pockets (which actually adds up to a big bloody pocket) caste mobilizations have been enforcing segregation and meting out 'justice' to those who violate their agendas. The military demands increased immunity and resources, despite their frequent excursions into lives in the 'disturbed areas'. 2002 is an argument used against the BJP only very feebly, not to be pressed too hard. This often hides the fact that it was only the fountainhead of many other communal and sexist acts in full view of our benign institutions. At the same time, those who happen to be from the liberal class have also seen unprecedented wealth after coming out of their oh-so-stiffling license Raj days. Surrounded and infiltrated by this heavy militarization, heavy control, heavy communal fundamentalism, the liberal thus still believes fascism can be kept at bay.
On the other hand, we shouldn't forget those (laughably, also 'liberals') who do not bat an eyelid welcoming the likes of Modi and Amit Shah, and some chinese whisper called "development." The cautious liberals, it is evident to see, will eventually side with these conservative ones, and very probably talk about these benign institutions will evoke, "lulz, that's so 2014 bro" in sometime. A big part of the answer is class interest: when the middle ground vanishes, no way in hell are these liberal spokespersons will speak for those they have overlooked. But let's look at the liberal picture of our benign institutions once again: the hidden assumption is, like in Hobbes's world, it is only this rajnikanth that is prevents us from eating each other up. And that has historically been proven wrong time and again. All antifascists must realize that they don't have a struggle that is separate from that of caste, class, gender, right to social welfare. Basically, don't side with the elite. Down with Modi! Down with sangh!
